In the 9th of October*, in the court of appeal there will be held the second trial, for attempt to cause explosion in the ministry of Industry and Development in December '97 -a solidarity action for the resisting residents of Strymonikos-, and for possession of weapons and explosives.

The first trial, in July '99, was carried out in an atmosphere stigmatized by the US pressure on the greek government to crack down on "terrorism". My conviction to a 15-years prison sentence was the proportional consequence of this pressure. The court imposed a dictated political decision, which an american official didn't neglect to reward by describing it as "good news".

The fact that the court admitted the political motivations of my actions, by giving the mitigation of "no humble incentive", virtually meant a public confession that I am a political prisoner and hostage of the regime.

Almost one year and a half after, and despite the governmental officials denying it from time to time, an "antiterrorist" law is ante portas.

The new law supplements, in the sector of repression, the "modernization" policies that are imposed in the country for the last decade.

Now, they can assure their american and european allies that they have completely conformed with the New Order commands, from the neo-liberal restructuration (privatizations, labor conditions, educational reforms, common rural policy) and the "humanitarian" missions (Persian Gulf, Somalia, Bosnia, Albania, Kosovo), to the Schengen Treaty and the "antiterrorist" policy.

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Globalization of capitalism amounts to globalization of repression.

In Italy, during the last years dozens of anarchists have been accused of participating in an imaginary armed group called ORAI (Revolutionary Anarchist Insurrectional Organization), which was reported to have committed a pile of actions (kidnappings, bank robberies, bombing attacks).

Public prosecutors Vigna and Marini had made a compilation of different and irrelevant armed actions which have taken place from the beginning of the 80's, and they put the blame on that organization and on specific comrades who were accused of being its members, with single evidence the testimony of a "repented" girl.

After a judicial odyssey that lasted from September of '96 until May of 2000, they were uncharged from the accusation of "participating in terrorist organization" -an accusation which will be included in the "antiterrorist" law that is prepared here- but 11 fighters were convicted for some actions and some "common crimes" in sentences that vary from one year in prison to life sentence.

The turkish state has constructed special isolation prisons for the thousands of left political prisoners, a fact that already causes reactions and revolts.

The purpose of those prisons is to wear down the militant morale of the revolutionaries and to provoke their extermination.

In Spain, since 1991, there is the special confinement status of FIES (File of Prisoners under Special Surveillance), which exists in many spanish prisons for intractable prisoners and escapees.

Since the spring of 2000, many social and political prisoners, including anarchists, they have started a struggle with repeated hunger strikes, demanding the abolition of this confinement status, the cease of transports to jails far away from the prisoners' homeland, and the release of all unhealthy prisoners.

In Australia, new "antiterrorist" acts were adopted before the Olympic games in Sydney, giving to the police and the army the right to kill at will citizens and demonstrators.

The establishment here will try to enforce the repressive arrangements that are current in the countries of Europe and the USA.

After two decades, armored police tanks are on the streets again to suppress demonstrations.

Since the matter of repression and of the "antiterrorist" law is political and not juridical, resistance to this law does not mean to defend the current legal framework which supposedly secures the defendants' rights, as several "progressive" leftists -defenders of "human rights"- do. Nor does it mean lust for frame-ups and condemnation of the armed struggle and of every insurrectional dynamics - a political position very popular among the supporters of "the law-abiding mass movement" and of the "long-term lawful policy".

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The only answer against globalization of repression, is the globalization of Revolt and Solidarity, the Struggle with every means.

The last years, a new informal Anti-capitalist International has appeared.

The intercontinental encounters against neo-liberalism, that were realized after a Zapatistas' proposal, in Chiapas in '96 and in Spain in '97, and a series of other moments of resistance and revolt, like those that marked the EU leaders' meetings in Amsterdam in June of '97 and in Koln in June of '99, the riots in London in June of '99, in Athens in November of '99 during the visit of the New Order butcher, in Seattle during the WTO conference, in Washington in April 2000 during the IMF and World Bank meeting, the Mayday events in many cities around the world (Berlin, London, Seoul), the occupation of UNAM in Mexico, the uprising of the indigenous people of Ecuador, the disorders in Colombia, Peru and Melbourne, are all parts of Global Resistance.

In Prague, the recent events that marked the IMF and World Bank meeting, are now added to globalization of revolt.

Solidarity with the social struggles and the anti-capitalist guerrillas in every corner of earth, with the wild strikes at Seoul and the Movimento Sem Terra in Brazil, with the struggles against oil-multinationals in Nigeria and the guerrillas of Zapatistas and in Colombia.

Solidarity with all the hostages of the State and the Capital, with Mumia Abu-Jamal, Leonard Peltier, Theodor Katzinski, with Tupak Amaru, with the Italian anarchists, with the prisoners resisting the spanish FIES, with the Turkish communists, with comrades Avraam Lesperoglou, Kostas Kalaremas and Simos Seisidis.

Solidarity with the fighters who were arrested for the events in Prague.