*

With the attempt against the ministry of Industry and Development on the 6th of December 1997, my purpose was to send a message to the political, enterprising and police circles of this country that their plans, either investing or repressive, are not going to pass without resistance.

My purpose was also to send a message of solidarity to the just and dynamic struggle that the residents of Strymonikos bay carry out with any means, against the installation of gold industry in northeast Halkidiki by the canadian multinational TVX GOLD.So, I take over completely the political responsibility for my actions.

The “Anarchist Urban Guerrillas” is me.

I, alone, made and placed the improvised explosive mechanism in the ministry of Industry and Development in 6/12/97.

What was found in the house in 13 Spartis str. is exclusively mine.

I don’t consider myself as an armed guerrilla, but a social guerrilla.

I struggle, according to my individual strength, for the subversion of the State and of the existing social regime, without either rejecting any form of action or considering one as superior of another.

During my political action, I have written and distributed leaflets, posters, I have participated in mass demonstrations and marches, in occupations and conflicts with the repression forces of the state. In a specific moment of my struggle, I chose this way to send my political message, the message of social solidarity.

My past certifies the multiplicity of my revolutionary activity.

In 1991 I was convicted for my refuse to serve the army, being detained for eight months in military prison, and there are still charges against me for desertion and offense of the army.

I was convicted in August of ‘94 along with 51 other comrades of mine, for the occupation of the economic university, as an expression of solidarity with the anarchist prisoners on hunger strike Odysseas Kampouris and Giorgos Balafas.

I was also convicted for my participation in one of the most serious social events of the political reform period, the revolt of the Polytechnic in November of ‘95, that was an expression of solidarity with the revolted prisoners of Koridallos jail and also with the political prisoners of that period, anarchists K. Kalaremas, who was on hunger strike, S. Dapergolas, Od. Kampouris, Chr. Marinos, G. Balafas, with the 4 anarchists arrested in a demonstration in Salonica, and also with the objector of military service N. Karanikas.

I am an anarchist and I aspire the total destruction of the State and of the capitalistic regime and its replacement by antiauthoritarian Communes. The only charge I can accept, and it’s my honor, is that of subversive activity.

If freedom is a crime for my enemies, then yes, I admit I am a criminal.

So, I recognize as my class enemies those who belong in specific social classes and are responsible for the sufferings of this world, poverty, exploitation, oppression, drugs, prisons, wars, environmental destruction. And these social categories are not else but those of state’s officials, politicians, technocrats, mandarins of the capital, bureaucrats, uniformed murderers of the Security Forces and the marshals.

These social castes will never disappear from the proscenium of history and will never give up on their authorities and their privileges by their will or by persuasion.

This is why the social and class war is inevitable. And I am not but a political prisoner, a prisoner of the social and class war that is simmering and many times it spreads as a blaze in society.

*

There has been a lot of talking in the media (which broadcast the organized Lie) that I belong in the “second generation of terrorists”. I consider these interpretations, rather misinterpretations, ridiculous.

I have to say the following about these kind of comparisons. There are three kinds of Political Violence.

Terrorism of the state, which is the most usual and most organized, as the state possesses the monopoly of Violence; the “revolutionary terrorism” of organizations with marx-leninist ideology, that through their hierarchical structure reproduce the structures of the state and they are a state in miniature; and there is the LIBERATING VIOLENCE.

Social revolutions and revolts are mostly driven forward by fighters who act inside an open mass movement, rather than from “jacobean” clubhouses and isolated military organizations of marx-leninist ideology.

So, the characterization of “terrorist” I send it back to my accusers.

More that twenty years of bourgeois parliamentary false-democracy can prove that.

In July of 1976, during conflicts in the center of Athens between construction workers and the police, one armored vehicle of the police murdered 66 year old woman Anastasia Tsivika.

In 1978, men of MEA (special police units) murder doctor Tsironis in his home in N. Smyrni, when he declared that his house is a dominion autonomous from the greek state.

On the 16th of November 1980, during the demonstration from the Polytechnic to the american embassy, Iakovos Koumis and Stamatina Kanelopulou are beaten up to death by the MAT (riot police).

On the 17th of November 1985, during clashes around the Polytechnic, riot-policeman Melistas murders 15 year old Michalis Kaltezas.

In 1986, in Kessariani, during clashes between strikers of EDOK-ATER and the MAT, the worker Agelos Mavroudis is killed.

On the 9th of January 1991, the teacher N. Temponeras is murdered by right-wing thugs who wanted to stop the students’ occupations of schools in Patra.

On January the 10th of 1991, during clashes after the students’ demonstration, after the murder of N. Temponeras, tear-gas thrown by the MAT forces cause fire to the shopping center K. Marousi and four citizens die.

On the 27th of the same month the death after torturing of the Turk political refugee Souleiman Aknar is announced. He was detained in the Public Security building.

On the 10th of January 1994, police officer Lagogiannis, who belongs to the police station of Moshato, executes with five shots Th. Giakas, during a simple identification.

In December of 1995 an Albanian prisoner is murdered during an attempt to escape from Stavrakiou Ioanninon prison.

In July of 1996, in Piraeus, in the ship Pegasus, inside cabin 53, anarchist Christoforos Marinos is executed.

The same year, in a police blockade outside the city of Livadia, policeman murders Tasos Mouratis, a Rom.

In December of 1997, an Albanian prisoner is murdered by policemen in his effort to escape Diavaton prison in Salonica.

The list of murders by the “democratic” state and the “democratic” police has no end. None of the murderers ever paid for their actions. The blame was always on the victim who “committed suicide”, or the police guns “accidentally shot”, or the policeman was under the state of “legal self-defense”. “Justice” has found the murderers either innocent or had simply dropped the charges.

So, who are the terrorists and dangerous ones for society and for the citizens?

*

I belong to a political and social milieu that in many cases has proved the danger of its action for the state’s and regime’s security, as it has repeatedly functioned exemplary for the oppressed social parts, about the forms of fight and resistance against the generalized attack of the state.

We can take a look at the social events of the last twenty years to prove how truth that is.

During the 80s, when the social-democratic administration of capitalism was dominating, along with a model of development fed by the state and granting from EEC, the only social conflicts against the mood of social peace and submission, were those caused by anarchists, with the occupations of the period ‘84-’85, the march against Lepen in ‘84, the occupation of Chemistry University in May of ‘85, and the occupations of Chemistry and Polytechnic universities because of the murder of Kaltezas.

Some years after, in the 90s, occupations, as a dynamic form of struggle, resistance and self-organization that was inspired by anarchists, became appropriated by other oppressed social parts, workers, students, farmers.

In 1989-90, when socialdemocracy collapsed and the attack of neoliberalism began, workers in industries occupied many factories in Patra, Piraeus, Lavrio, Mantoudi, in an attempt to stop the bankruptcy of the enterprises and their privatization that led thousands of workers to unemployment.

In 1990-91 the movement of university and mostly of high-school occupations burst out, with the riots and the occupation of the Polytechnic. In fact it is this movement that led to the collapse of the right-wing government in the next elections, as it forced it to show its inhuman and anti-social face, through the murder of teacher N. Temponeras and of the 4 citizens burned inside K. Marousi by the tear-gas thrown inside by the MAT.

In August of 1992 the wild strike of workers in EAS (public transportation) begin, with clashes in Votanikos.

Mass expressions of people’s violence, like the occupations and arsons of prefectures (Chania-June ‘90, Iraklio-August ‘91), blockades and occupations of national roads by farmers in the period 1995-97, or by citizens of local societies against the environmental destruction of their place (Kalamas ‘87, Aravisos ‘89, Pouri 93-’94, Avlonas-Keratea ‘96, Strymonikos ‘96-’97) prove that when the oppressed people react to the hurricane of the state and the attack of neoliberalism, they, many times instinctively, appropriate forms of action with insurrection characteristics.

Anarchists have a great part of responsibility in that, as they keep always alive and timely the purpose of resistance and social subversion, even in periods of decrease of the social war.

So anarchists, that they were never after the seek for political substitutes and authority positions, can rightly feel proud that they have left their own fingertip on this whole period of social and class struggles.

I send greetings to all my comrades.

Solidarity with K. Kalaremas, S. Dapergolas and G. Vlassopoulos

Solidarity with social and class struggles

Solidarity with all the revolted

Nikos Maziotis, 11/2/1998
Koridallos Prison